.

And by a prudent flight and cunning save A life which valour could not, from the grave. A better buckler I can soon regain, But who can get another life again? Archilochus

Tuesday, November 12, 2024

From the New Yorker

Joshua Rothman, "Do You Have Hope?"
And, if not, how can you get some?


Life in America is deeply anxious. Where are we headed? How bad could it get? Who are we, anyway? What’s particularly scary is that everyone’s scared. Even the people whose candidate just won are frightened—of immigrants, of the future, but also of the rest of us. In a column from before the election, I described a sign planted in a yard on my street; it read “Democrats Are Communists and Terrorists—ARE YOU?” The election is over, but the sign remains. So does another, not far from me, showing Trump wielding an AR-15. These signs, which loom over storybook suburban streets in affluent small towns, suggest the degree to which our country has become consumed by fear.

In fearful times, people often see themselves as optimists or pessimists. Being a pessimist can be comforting; if you’re a pessimist, then nothing about the future can surprise you, because you already know it’s going to be bad. The problem with pessimism, however, is that it’s limiting. Pessimism makes it harder to imagine, or really believe in, a better future.

Optimists can sometimes picture that future: in a recent blog post, the economist Alex Tabarrok outlined “the Best-Case Scenario for a Trump Presidency.” (For example, “Trump the developer” could expand the housing supply; he might also “appoint Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to head a committee on vaccine policy and, after several years of investigation, write a report.”) Tabarrok isn’t predicting that Trump will do these things; he’s saying only that it would be nice if he did them in place of other things he might do. There are shades of optimism: it’s one thing to have optimistic visions, and another to actually believe that they’ll come to pass. The problem with being a believing optimist is that you may become too selective in your reckoning of good and bad. If the situation is dire enough, then believing in your optimism becomes a kind of denial.

What would it mean, at this point, to believe in an optimistic vision for American politics? On what would that optimism be based? We can all point to bright spots while agreeing that the over-all picture is bleak. The Republican Party is proudly unhinged, while the Democrats are primly inert. The Supreme Court is compromised and corrupt; fundamental reforms are unlikely, and it’s possible that Trump will get to replace multiple aging justices. The media are deeply distrusted, and we are soon to plunge further into the realm of “alternative facts.” The January 6th insurrectionists—one of whom lived around the corner from me, in my Long Island town—will probably be pardoned and held up as patriots for our children to admire. The worst political trends are being accelerated by technological developments that are themselves accelerating, and the planet as a whole is rushing toward a climate crisis that will threaten all of humanity.

I’m sure you have your own items to add to the list. On good days, I can conjure a little optimism. On bad days, I feel a sense of foreboding that I can’t dispel. I’m aware of all the ways in which there’s more to life than politics. But I struggle to find a way of relating to our political future that isn’t intolerably dark, or optimistic in a way that’s essentially unearned.

In a slim new book called “The Spirit of Hope,” the philosopher Byung-Chul Han distinguishes between hope and optimism. “Hopeful thinking is not optimistic thinking,” Han writes, with emphasis. Optimism “knows neither doubt nor despair. Its essence is sheer positivity.” An optimist looks around, finds a few signs of possible salvation or progress, and then concludes that “things will take a turn for the good.” But absolute hope is stranger, and in a way more extreme. It “arises in the face of the negativity of absolute despair,” Han writes, and becomes relevant at times “in which action seems no longer possible.” Hope emerges, paradoxically, when there’s seemingly nothing to hope for. The desert “allows it to germinate.”

Han—who was born in South Korea and lives in Germany, and who is best known for his critiques of consumerist online life, as presented in books like “The Burnout Society”—believes that we’re not used to hoping. We tend not to depend on hope, he writes, both because we’re not often in despair and because we live on treadmills of consumption. “Consumers have no hope,” he writes. “All they have are wishes or needs.” We wish for great Christmas gifts, or for bigger houses or upgraded laptops, or for dinners out; we slip into “a constant present of needs and their satisfaction.” But when we hope, we don’t hope for things we can easily name, or concretely acquire, or even specifically anticipate. For optimists, Han argues, “the nature of time is closure. . . . Nothing occurs. Nothing surprises.” When we need to be surprised, we rely on hope. Seeing nothing to be optimistic about, we hope that something new will come along—some not yet existing force that will knock the world onto a better track.

Han quotes Václav Havel, the heroic writer, dissident, and political leader, who was imprisoned for his democratic convictions before becoming President of Czechoslovakia and, later, the Czech Republic. “Hope is not prognostication,” Havel says. “It’s not essentially dependent on some particular observation of the world or estimate of the situation.” Instead, it is “an orientation of the spirit,” which “transcends the world that is immediately experienced, and is anchored somewhere beyond its horizons.” Hope involves a sense of distance—a consciousness of unrealized possibilities to which you somehow feel connected. Prison is a “particularly hopeless” place, Havel notes, and it’s in hopeless places that the abstract, unknowable, and perhaps transcendental nature of hope becomes most visible.

When you’re immobilized, hope involves a sense that something, somewhere, is in motion. Han cites one of Franz Kafka’s many parables. Imagine, Kafka writes, that you live in a provincial village infinitely far from the center of the empire in which you reside. The godlike emperor, whom you’ve never met or even seen, has, for some unfathomable reason, leaned down from his deathbed and dictated a special and secret message, intended just for you, to a courier. The courier is strong, and begins elbowing his way through the throngs that surround the emperor. But, even if he pushes through those crowds, he must still make it down the crowded palace steps, and then through the crowded “courts,” and then through the many sections of the “second outer palace,” and then through the mud-clogged streets of the imperial capital, and then all the way across the country to you. In short, he’ll never deliver the message. So, Kafka writes, “you sit at your window when evening falls and dream it to yourself.”

This may make hope sound a little passive or woo-woo, and a little solitary. But Han thinks this isn’t quite right, either. We must distinguish between a weak, passive kind of hope, he writes, and a strong, active version. The strong version of hoping is a little like hunting: a person with hope “leans forwards and listens attentively,” trying to figure out what’s new in the world; she wants to pick up the scent. This kind of hope, rooted in enthusiasm and motivation, “develops forces that make people spring into action.” If you’re lost in the wilderness, and you have no idea which way to go, hope can sharpen your senses and urge you over the next ridge. And “the subject of hope is a We,” Han writes. We tend to want things for ourselves, but we hope for a more general future. Whatever the emperor’s message is, it’s not the winning lottery numbers; it’s something more profound, about who we are and how we fit in. And, in fact, we’re all dreaming of receiving such a message.

As a philosopher, Han has a spiritual bent. He seems open to the notion that hope is inherently transcendent—that it comes from God. But his basic premise doesn’t have to be religious; it suggests only that the world contains untold potential, that what we see in front of us isn’t all that there will ever be. It’s by helping us know this, Havel writes, that hope “gives us the strength to live and continually to try new things, even in conditions that seem as hopeless as ours do, here and now.”

When Han writes that “the subject of hope is a We,” he means partly that what we hope for is often a better, more connected kind of life, together with our families, our neighbors, or our fellow-citizens. But he also means that other people can be a source of hope, because they may see a path to that life when we can’t. Hope is other people: this can be a difficult idea to accept, especially when the other people seem extremely “other,” and see you that way in return. Still, there are more than a hundred and sixty million registered voters in America, and there’s no law saying that the way they think now will be the way they’ll think tomorrow. The same goes for politicians. Having a politics of hope isn’t just about saying the word. Hope isn’t a vibe; it involves a substantive search for the new, instead of sticking, out of doubt, to the old. This is risky—not just practically, but emotionally, even spiritually. Optimists and pessimists approach the future by diminishing their uncertainty. In contrast, Han writes, when we hope, we place a bet we can’t quite justify—we become “creditors to the future.” Will it pay us back, or rip us off?

There’s only one way to know. Our political culture tells us to see our opponents as uniformly awful—to reduce them to their vote—and yet ordinary human experience shows that most people are complex, decent, and just trying to get along. What should we prioritize: the stark binaries of politics, or the reality of people as we know them? Hope doesn’t deny how grim things are; it doesn’t look away from the news, or wish away the signs in the street, or sugarcoat the terrible plans of those coming to power. But it doesn’t deny the potential in people, either. “The hopeful expect the incalculable, possibilities beyond all likelihood,” Han writes. Which is to say that, if you don’t have hope, exactly—because you can’t quite picture what could fix this mess—that’s partly because life always involves seeing only part of the picture. The precondition for finding hope is having none.

Monday, November 11, 2024

Yarvin Yackery

(00:00) Intro
(00:35) Debate with Richard Hanania: Reflections and insights 
(05:33) A roadmap on building new institutions 
(10:30) Convergence of Media and intelligence 
(12:50) The role of journalism in modern governance 
(15:15) Sponsors: Dealcraft | Notion 
(17:30) Creating high-trust media for the future
(24:54) Engaging the elite: strategies for influence
(40:32) Sponsor: Squad 
(41:46) The importance of sophisticated content 
(51:16) The illusion of engagement in media 
(51:50) Building a cult-like audience 
(53:22) Commercial success of subcultures 
(57:07) Truth adjudication and reliable sources 
(59:31) Regime change and Wikipedia 
(01:06:58) Elon Musk and the future of Twitter 
(01:14:57) The power of human curation 
(01:34:44) The failure of libertarianism 
(01:39:36) Conclusion and final thoughts

Thursday, November 7, 2024

The End is Near! @@

Nathan Gardels, "Illiberal Democracy Comes To America"
The election may mark liberalism’s last sigh as a dominant ideology.

The stunning election of Donald Trump and his allies in the U.S. Congress has set America on a starkly divisive course not seen since the Civil War era.

Several things bear pointing out.

Those who implicitly trusted the electoral system lost decisively, while trust has apparently been restored for those who suspected all the institutions of democracy were corrupt. Conspiracy theories about stolen ballots have evaporated overnight. No one this time around is plotting to block the transfer of power.

The “strong gods” of family, faith and nation prevailed against the culturally liberal sentiments of the open society, which we wrote about recently in Noema. That is a trend across the West that will now receive a further boost as the ascendant direction of history.

Festering resentment against elites — who were seen as insulated from the consequences of their woke tolerance, including on immigration — conjoined with the economic headwinds battering working America. Despite the headline statistics trumpeted by the Democrats, or the barely manifested results of President Joe Biden’s industrial policies, the ongoing reality of inflation and the unequal conditions in daily life could not be masked. As recently reported, the top 20% account for 40% of all consumption, which drives the American economy, while the bottom 40% accounts for only 20%. And that is not to speak of the third factor of a creeping isolationist temper that sees entanglement in conflicts abroad as worsening damage at home.

Whether all those across a surprisingly broad spectrum who amassed the popular vote for Trump fully grasped what they were mandating, illiberal democracy is what we will all now get.

Illiberal Democracy Is Not Fascism, Exactly

Illiberal democracy may not be the fascism of historical precedent, but a close enough cousin to fear. The historian and author of “The Anatomy of Fascism,” Robert Paxton, has said about the MAGA movement: “It’s bubbling up from below in very worrisome ways, and that’s very much like the original fascisms. It’s the real thing. It really is.” Similarly driven by dysfunctional government and perceived social decadence, Trump voters, says Paxton, have an “obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood.”

It’s more than a bit unnerving to remember that, even at the height of its popularity on the path to power when it banned other parties, the Nazis received 37% at the ballot box. Hitler was appointed as chancellor in 1933 by German President Paul von Hindenburg because his party was the biggest in a parliamentary system. He never won a direct popular vote in a competitive election. Trump won nearly 51% of the popular vote in this week’s election.

Elections Alone Are Not Democracy

When Nicolas Berggruen and I published our 2019 book “Renovating Democracy: Governing In The Age of Globalization And Digital Capitalism,” The Economist asked us a question that could fit this very moment as well: “You argue that we need to ‘renovate democracy.’ But another way to see things is that democracy is working just fine, it’s just that the outcomes don’t appeal to comfortable cosmopolitans… What makes you convinced that democracy is broken?”

The answer now would be the same as then: “What we are seeing is the result of elections. But democracy is as much about what happens outside the ballot box: impartial rules, practices, institutions — and political culture — that are not only inclusive, but that foster the reasoned discourse, negotiation and compromise necessary to reach a governing consensus in diverse societies.”

We pointed out then that Trump’s first victory was not the cause of our governing crisis, but a symptom of it:
In recent decades this system has decayed. The mainstream political parties were captured by the organized special interests of an insider establishment that failed to address the dislocations of globalization and disruptions of rapid technological change. This led to a deep distrust of governing institutions by all those left behind. Such disaffection gained more traction than ever before because of the participatory power of social media.

When an unresponsive elite forsakes the average citizen in a system legitimated by popular sovereignty—and fortified by social media—demagogues who fashion themselves as tribunes of the people ride the rage to power. …

The danger now is that the fevered populists are throwing the baby out with the bathwater, assaulting the very norms and institutional checks and balances that guarantee the enduring survival of republics. The revolt against a moribund political class has transmuted into a revolt against governance itself. The result is protracted polarization.
The chief challenge, we said at the time, is not for partisans to put their team back in power through elections, but to mend the breach of distrust between the public and all the intermediating institutions of self-government that have decayed.

This can be done, we argued, by integrating social networks and the broader civil society into governance through new deliberative practices, such as citizens’ assemblies and other forms of impactful citizen engagement “that complement representative government and compensate for its waning legitimacy. In our book we call this ‘participation without populism.’”

The X Factor

What has fanned warranted ressentiment against the “cosmopolitan caste” and the so-called “coastal elites” into an inflamed culture war with the divergent “values of the heartland” is not only the ever-evolving clash between liberal modernity and tradition and their associated status-spheres, but the consolidation of rigid worldviews through the siloed virality of social media.

The newest challenge liberal democracy faces is a digital media ecosystem that both empowers a multitude of voices and concentrates control. The digital oligarch mostly closely linked with the Trump revolution, Elon Musk, has not turned X into a public square, but into a partisan propaganda platform for the MAGA movement.

Indeed, the public square where competing propositions can be tested against each other in the full gaze of the body politic as a whole has virtually disappeared.

Peer-to-peer connectivity fosters this deformation because, as the philosopher Byung-Chul Han notes, it “redirects the flow of communication. Information is spread without forming a public sphere. It is produced in private spaces and distributed to private spaces. The web does not create a public.”

Without a common public space where the credibility and trustworthiness of information can be established, there is no solid ground for meaningful discourse. What takes its place is an arms race of ploy and counter-ploy, which we witnessed in spades during the election campaign.

Just as republics have historically created institutional checks and balances when too much power is concentrated in one place, as should now be the case with ownership of the means of connectivity, so too we need to foster checks and balances for an age when information flows are so distributed that the public sphere is disempowered. The deliberative practices already discussed are but one way to do so.

Liberals Must Deliver The Goods

Finally, the Trump movement has triumphed in the U.S. for much the same reason Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s Morena party succeeded in Mexico. Despite the party’s now realized pledge to gut the independent judiciary by mandating direct election of judges, the party’s presidential candidate, Claudia Sheinbaum, won last summer’s balloting in a landslide.

For all the endless talk of threats to the “rule of law” and “democracy” by the previously governing elites, they failed to move the needle when in power by delivering the goods for the majority who were left behind. For most Mexicans, liberal concerns were a meaningless abstraction in the context of their meager prospects, which never seemed to improve.

Whether Trump’s election marks the last sigh for the ideology of liberalism in the U.S. rests on two things. First, whether his illiberal regime can deliver the goods any better than liberal democrats. Second, whether the opposition does not simply focus on how to get their partisans back in power, but grapples seriously with how to deepen democracy by restoring its connective tissue beyond elections through practices and institutions that enable and encourage negotiation, compromise and consensus rather than partisan combat and culture wars.

Majoritarian Rule Is Not Constitutional Government

To base the idea of democracy solely on elections invites illiberalism because it implies that majoritarian rule is all that is necessary. But, as the American founding fathers well understood, the will of the majority does not embrace all interests in a society, which must be protected equally. That is the reason for constitutional rule as the founding principle of a liberal polity.

In constitutional theory, the imposition of limitations and restraints — the “negative” — is what prevents the majority from absolute domination. It is the negative that makes the constitution, and the “positive” that makes government. The one is the power of acting, the other is the power of preventing or arresting action. The two, combined, make constitutional government.

It is this governing arrangement that has made America great. The biggest danger of Making America Great Again is that a movement that believes it is the embodiment of the will of the majority will cast aside any constraints on its power as a contrivance by the elites of the ancien regime to keep the masses down.

Wednesday, November 6, 2024

The State of US Election Fraud...

Reduced?

Will we see the 14th Amendment Steal Described Below Instead?
Remember, Remember, the 5th of Novenber!

Sunday, November 3, 2024

On Barry and the Deep State

Why CIA and the USIC (and Corporate America) Be So Woke:
The NED, NDI, IRI Model for...

GLOBAL "Community Organizing"

Friday, November 1, 2024

El Dia de los Muertos!

On Heidegger's Releasement

...freedom FROM Will

...and travelling full circle.  From William James' "On the Varieties of Religious Experience" through Freud's Psychiatry, Lacan's Linguistics, and now back to philosophy.... or better... poetics and symphonics.